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  “I’m surprised,” Franco Donelli, the national security advisor, said.

  “The Islamic Republic of Egypt isn’t exactly pro American. In fact, they’ve been awful quiet during these events.”

  “Our ambassador in Cairo reports that everyone of any importance in the Government has suddenly become unavailable,” Bob Gilfort, the secretary of state, said. “He is having a tough time getting a pulse on what the Egyptians are thinking. The Egyptian newspapers call the Libyans heroes for their military actions against us, and then, in the same article, call them heroes for executing the ones who did it. Go figure.” Gilfort shook his head. “I have a hard time trying. Bottom line, Mr. President, is we think Egypt will remain on the sidelines until they see how events in Libya, Algeria, and Morocco unfold. But we need to keep a close eye on them; even a moderate religious republic is a radical one.”

  “Okay, I want an update tonight, as usual,” said Crawford. “I would like to know when the two carrier battle groups have entered the Mediterranean. Roger,” he said, pointing at the secretary of defense.

  “Schedule a video teleconference for me to address the Navy once they’re together. It’ll give me a chance to express my admiration for their position and let them know how much the American people are behind them. If our military is going to go into action, they deserve to hear the voice of their president. I want to assure them that the American people are one hundred and ten percent behind them.”

  “Yes, sir. we can do that.”

  “Roger,” Franco added. “Let’s work together in arranging the video teleconference so we can fold it into the president’s schedule.”

  Roger nodded, picked up the cup of coffee in front of him, and glanced sideways at the diminutive man sitting on the couch with him. Franco would make sure the president said just the right thing in the right politically correct way. Christ, President Crawford could help his administration if he’d get rid of this sawed-off Napoleon he called a national security advisor. The only things Franco advised had Franco’s health and welfare written all over them, and Franco was more concerned about his legacy after Crawford left this second term in office than the president’s. Well, Franco wasn’t the only one who could play that game. Roger sighed. Of course, Franco was a pro at it, and Roger was only an amateur. But sometimes, even amateurs win.

  “This morning’s intelligence brief reported Korean military elements have moved into position along the border,” said President Crawford.

  “The question I need answered is, what are their intentions? Right now, no one knows and this mobilization makes me nervous.” He took a bite of a Dunkin’ Donut twirl before walking back to his desk.

  “Yes, sir, Mr. President. U.S. and South Korean troops have reinforced the DMZ, and if the North Koreans cross, we should be able to contain them for the few days needed for additional troops to arrive,” Roger Maddock answered. He glanced at Donelli, waiting for the diminutive asshole to rebut him again. Surprised when he didn’t, Roger continued. “South Korea started calling up their reserves yesterday. We may have to consider mobilizing if another Korean War materializes.” Roger saw Franco jerk his head up. Here it comes, he thought. Donelli can’t pass this one up.

  “Mobilizing? I think you’re overreacting, Roger,” Franco hurriedly added.

  Of course, you would think I was overreacting, Roger thought. Why?

  Because you didn’t think of it, you little shit.

  President Crawford mumbled through the doughnut twirl he was chewing.

  He swallowed. “Franco’s right, Roger. It’d be political suicide to go on television and tell the nation that we are mobilizing. No, wouldn’t go down well at all. We need to put the proper spin on something like that, or we’ll have the American public screaming and hollering. Find a better word than mobilizing — just in the event we have to do something.” He laid the remainder of the twirl on the tabletop momentarily, then picked it up to spread a napkin under it.

  “What do we have along the DMZ if the North Koreans decide to do something?” President Crawford asked.

  “Not too much, Mr. President. We removed the land mines nearly five years ago in accordance with the international agreement signed by your predecessor. The only land mines along the DMZ are on the North Korean side, and those fields are miles thick. If they decide to cross in mass, then what we have are ditches, barbed wire, antitank weapons, and devices. Plus, we have clear fields of fire. If they cross, we stop them by outfighting them.”

  “We can do that,” said the president. “An American is worth a Korean any day in battle, wouldn’t you say?”

  “That’s a patriotic statement, Mr. President, and it’ll play well, with some tactful tuning, to the American public.” Franco said.

  “Roger, where do we stand on our troop buildup in South Korea?”

  “Mr. President, we have two carriers with complete air wings on board off the coast of the Koreas. The Air Force completed forward deployment of three squadrons of F-15s and two squadrons of F-16s yesterday. One squadron of A-10 tank killers arrives today to augment the two squadrons already in South Korea. The 82nd Airborne deployed yesterday and, after they complete unloading the maritime preposition ship that docked two days ago, they’ll move toward the DMZ. We are flying the main infantry elements of the 101st Airborne to a point directly south of the DMZ to mount the largest paratroop drop since World War II. We want the North Koreans to see a major demonstration of our ability to respond rapidly anywhere in the world when necessary. Fort Stewart has completed loading its mechanized infantry brigade. They sailed yesterday for Korea. The Army chief of staff flew down to Savannah. Georgia, and gave them a rousing pep talk as they departed. He returned late last night and said that the morale of the troops was high and they were ready to fight on arrival. It will take about twenty-five days for them to arrive. The Seventh Fleet has moved an amphibious readiness group off the coast of South Korea to provide a flexible Marine Corps response. If the North crosses the DMZ, then plans call for the Marines to mount one of the largest amphibious landings since World War II.”

  “What are the Chinese saying about this muscle-flexing by their ally?”

  “The Chinese are saying they have no influence over the North Koreans,” Bob Gilfort replied.

  “Well, we know that’s bullshit!” Roger Maddock said.

  “Roger, please,” Franco Donelli said.

  Roger opened his mouth to say something, thought better of it, and kept quiet. He gripped his knees. Just below his emotional gate was this primitive urge to reach over, grab Donelli by the throat, and pop his head like a pimple. Let’s see how he’d spin that in the national newspapers! Secdef Strangles National Security Advisor in Oval Office Ax President Crawford Pontificates and Sec State Sips Coffee. He grinned. Be a hell of way to resign and go back to the private sector.

  “This isn’t funny, Roger,” Franco added, glancing at the president.

  “Yes, sir, Mr. President,” Bob Gilfort said from the leather winged armchair, watching his fellow cabinet member wrestle with his anger. In a way he sympathized with Roger. Franco could be an arrogant bastard sometimes. Maybe most times. Well, maybe all the time. “We know they have the influence to stop this, and they know we know. We can put economic pressure on them. Of course, it’s never worked before on the Chinese, and I don’t see it working this time. Didn’t work with the EP-3E incident years ago. The United States has grown to be the biggest customer for the cheap goods that China produces. We may have more influence this time, though they could ride out any economic pressure in the time it takes for North Korea to invade. The Chinese economy has been rapidly growing since most-favored-nation trade status was awarded to them in the nineties. I don’t see them risking this economy on the Korean Peninsula. United States forces have been in Korea since the Korean War. Additional U.S. forces should not bother them.”

  “Have we let the Chinese know that we know they can influence the North Koreans?”

  “Yes,
sir, in diplomatic terms we have, Mr. President.”

  “Well, tell them in less diplomatic terms that if the North Koreans attack, we will view it as an attack against the United States and will take appropriate actions to resolve the two Koreas problem.”

  “We’ve been saying that for years, Mr. President. I think they are aware of our position, but I am not sure if they or the North Koreans believe it. The North Koreans still celebrate what they view as us losing the Vietnam War, and some in the north believe that if a North Korean offensive causes sufficient American casualties, the American people will demand a disengagement — that we will throw South Korea to the wolves.”

  Franco looked up from his computer notepad. “Mr. President, do we really want to flex our muscles in that tone with the Chinese?”

  Bob rolled his eyes upward, and quickly pinched his nose to hide his expression of displeasure over Franco’s interference. When he opened them, Roger winked at the elderly secretary of state. Their mutual distaste and distrust of the president’s national security advisor was one of the few things they both agreed on. No one could ever accuse President Crawford of surrounding himself with yes-men.

  “What do you suggest, Franco? I can’t let this situation continue to deteriorate. Did you see the Washington Post polls this morning?”

  “I recommend a quiet, tactful comment to the Chinese that we believe they have more influence than they suggest and would hate to see a large Western military presence on the Korean Peninsula because of the propensity for a misunderstanding between our nations. Then within twenty-four hours of passing that quiet diplomatic demarche to them, we flood the Korean Peninsula with American military presence.”

  “Franco, we’re flooding Korea now with American military presence, and you want the president to threaten war against the Chinese? I don’t have that much more military capability to flood Korea with,” Roger Maddock added testily.

  “Quite true,” added Gilfort, nodding in agreement.

  “I am not threatening war against the Chinese, Roger,” Franco said.

  “Give me credit for some intelligence. We are constrained by the situation in the Mediterranean and that ties our hands somewhat.” He turned to the president. “I propose, Mr. President, we divert the aircraft carrier Roosevelt from the Red Sea and send her to the Sea of Japan. Let the USS Stennis continue into the Mediterranean and we tell General Sutherland, as commander in chief European Command, to handle the situation with theater forces. What we need to do, I believe, is — first and foremost — stop a second Korean War. We can do that only by putting enough presence and force in the region so the North Koreans will go home and starve quietly.”

  “How much military experience do you have, Franco?” Roger asked.

  “As much as everyone else in this room. None. But this isn’t about military experience and knowledge. It’s politics, and we’ve got more experience and knowledge here than anyone else in the country.”

  “Some of us do.” mumbled the secretary of state.

  “That may be, Franco,” Roger said, fighting hard to keep anger from his voice. Then, turning to President Crawford, he appealed, “Mr. President, politicians don’t put their lives on the line. The military does. Before you decide to follow Franco’s expert military advice, I strongly recommend that we involve the Joint Chief of Staffs to weigh the pros and cons. We lack the military strength we had during the Cold War. Our military is less than a third of what it was when we fought Desert Storm in ‘91. Look at the problems we had tackling Kosovo and keeping Iraq in line at the same time. I think, Mr. President, if you choose to commit our military fully to Korea, then we will be unable to hold the crisis in the Mediterranean. In fact, I would submit that we will have to vacate the Med.”

  The president pulled his. chair out and sat down. Everyone watched while he tapped his pencil on the desk and thought. He ran his free hand through his graying brown hair. This was where the rubber meets the road. Everything he’d read about previous presidents revealed that sometime during their time in office a major crisis required them to make a decision that had a long-term effect on America and its people.

  This was his Rubicon, and all of the advice provided didn’t change that fact. A week before the events in the Mediterranean and Korea, the American people had seen him as a strong leader who displayed a steady confidence in his decisions. Even he knew that the majority of those decisions were national ones, along with international decisions of significantly less magnitude than this one. Today, the polls showed a different story. Korea might be the most volatile, and it was. It was also ironic that the majority of America’s military might was in the Pacific, while sixty-five percent of its gross national product depended on trade with Europe. Trade that depended on stability in a region that historically had been unstable. Instability quickly turned to war. He knew that whatever decision he made, good or bad, history would place the responsibility on him. What he wanted to do and what was strategically the right thing to do were sometimes two different things. Someday historians would use their Monday-morning quarterbacking to tell how his foresight was wrong, but the cards were shuffled and dealt and he had to play them. He had two areas of gross instability. Both had the potential to cost American lives. One already had. His decision must be based on a logical outgrowth of that reasoning. Which one would save more American lives?

  After several minutes President Crawford put the pencil down, gave a quick nod, and said, “Thank you, Roger. You, too, Franco and Bob. But in weighing what is facing us, I have to agree with Franco on this. Korea is the powder keg with the most potential of igniting a world war. Events in the Mediterranean are the more emotional. They cause every red-blooded American to want to grab a weapon and kick ass. But I think we’re going to have to continue with a holding situation in the Mediterranean. I agree with Franco. We will divert the USS Roosevelt. Roger, tell General Sutherland to hold the Mediterranean crisis with the forces he has in Europe. I don’t want to do this, but we have to. We are going to show Libya the consequence of attacking American forces. I promise you that. But Korea must come first. I suspect the newspapers will have a field day with this decision, Franco. But you’re right. It’s the right decision. As for passing on our thoughts to the Chinese, Bob, work with Franco to develop a thoughtful, but firm and private, demarche for the Chinese on our intentions if they do not rein in North Korea.”

  The president paused and took a deep breath. Roger Mad dock inched forward on his seat to speak. The last thing Crawford wanted was dissent. Before the secretary of defense could speak, President Crawford asked him. “What’s the latest on our missing SEALs in Algeria?”

  “Won’t know until tonight, Mr. President, when the USS Albany tries another pickup,” Roger responded. If the president depended so much on Franco for his military advice, then why in the hell did he need a secretary of defense? But, in the end, Roger Maddock kept this thought to himself.

  “Keep me informed and let me know when they’ve been recovered. The last thing we need is for the radical regime in Algiers to have a bunch of Americans marching through the streets. How about the USS Gearing survivors?”

  “As you know, Mr. President, they were picked up late yesterday by the USS Miami. The submarine is enroute to Naples and is expected to arrive sometime tomorrow. The report from the Miami showed sixty-two survivors rescued, including the captain of the Gearing. Four sailors are in critical, but stable, condition. A medical team from the Nassau is on Miami and treating them. All have suffered some degree of exposure. We’ll have a team of intelligence specialists, led by the N2 from CINCUSNAVEUR in Naples, to interview the crew, and Bethesda Naval Hospital has sent a team of psychiatrists to help.”

  “Okay. Keep me informed. Franco, get Allison and send her to Naples to represent me with the crew of the Gearing. Have her see me and I’ll give her a handwritten letter to read to the crew members. Roger, keep the press away from them. Let’s give those brave American boys and girls some breathing
room to recover.”

  “Yes, sir, Mr. President.”

  “Maybe we should give the commanding officer a medal?”

  Roger Maddock answered, “Yes. sir. We are considering it, but we need to know all of the events before we do. It is known that the USS Gearing shot down at least one aircraft, is believed to have sunk a submarine — that’d be one of the old Libyan Foxtrot subs — and the reconnaissance aircraft that recorded the action confirms the sinking of one missile patrol boat by the destroyer. On paper, it shows a hell of a fight, but the Navy wants to finish its investigation before considering any awards for the captain and the crew.”

  “Okay, but right now, America needs some heroes. So tell the Navy to work this one fast. From what I’ve read in the paper, we should consider the Medal of Honor for Captain Heath Cafferty.”

  “Yes, sir,” Roger acknowledged, expecting Franco to say something, and surprised when the national security advisor did not. “The Navy is working this one fast. Chief of Naval Operations has sent the vice chief of Naval Operations to meet the crew when it docks in Naples. His team will start the investigative wheels rolling. We wouldn’t want to inadvertently award the Medal of Honor erroneously.”

  “Okay. Keep me advised, Roger. We need a hero, so tell the Navy to expedite its review process.” President Crawford stood up and walked toward the door. “I have to go. I’ll see all of you tonight. Think about it, and if you see other issues we need to address, I want to know about them as soon as possible. Roger, I want a Medal of Honor winner somewhere in this mess. The nation needs it; we need it.”

  He stuck his hand out as he walked by his national security advisor.

  “Franco, let me have the book. Let’s see if your polls are better to me than the Washington Post’s.” And I need better polls, President Crawford thought as he left the room.